In the Cuba lectures, Bensaïd focuses firstly on the strategy of taking power in the Cuban Revolution in comparison with the Nicaraguan strategy. Secondly, he discusses the formation of revolutionary leadership through the revolutionary process; and thirdly, he analyses the transition, namely the destruction of the bourgeois state and the foundation of a workers state.
In this second session of the lecture, Bensaïd starts with an organisational and political analysis of the Cuban Communist Party. After talking about the emergence and organisation of the guerrilla movement, Bensaïd emphasises the overlooked dimension of the urban workers movement in the Cuban Revolution alongside of the guerilla warfare. He outlines the demands of urban workers movement, and strongly underlines the combination of the urban workers movement with the guerilla insurrection. He covers the discussions and criticisms around the general strike in 1958 and its aftermath.
In this third session, Bensaïd focuses on 1959 from the point of view of three processes. Firstly, he depicts the process of breaking with the Cuban bourgeoisie, and the power structures in the beginning of '59. Secondly, he analyses the process of differentiation and rupture with the bourgeois elements in the government; and thirdly, he recounts the process of confrontation with imperialism, which goes to some extent parallel with the process of radicalisation of the Cuban revolution.
In this fourth session of the lecture, Bensaïd focuses on the transition in Cuba. Bensaïd tackles the question of political power as the first instrument to initiate social transformations, which brings the problem of bureaucratisation as a danger in the process of transition. In his analysis and discussion, Bensaïd makes comparisons with Nicaraguan Revolution and Russian Revolution. The session ends with a discussion of the nationalisation of imperialist and big companies in 1960 and 1961.
In this fifth session of the lecture, Bensaïd discusses the transitional economy in Cuba, comparing it to Nicaraguan Revolution. He identifies several problems that followed from the very sharp shift in the Cuban economy such as new dependencies, bureaucratic incoherence and chaos, and limiting of sugar exportations without substitution, which lead to a sudden growth of the budget deficit, eventually bringing bankruptcy in 1963. He discusses the Four Year Plan, which prioritised the increase of sugar production as a solution to the deficit.
In this sixth session of the lecture, Bensaïd starts with a discussion of the system of management and planning which was launched in 1975 and was based on 'objective' economic information. After an analysis of this plan and its outcomes, Bensaïd connects the Cuban Revolution with the present, and draws some lessons from the experience.
In this lecture, Bensaïd focuses on the history of the Fourth International in its founding years, which means 1933 and 1938. First of all, he introduces a historical motivation to understand what battles we come from, and what is the problematic heritage we have. Secondly, he points to present interest in the problems that were tackled by the FI in its founding years. He organises the lecture around three points: when did a new international become necessary; on what basis was the new international built; and lastly, how was it built?
In this second part of his lecture, Bensaïd focuses on the concrete facts and phases of building the FI. He underlines Trotksy's efforts of bringing together different currents. Bensaïd analyses the first gatherings, participants, and different currents and organisations against a historical background. In his analyses, he always keeps in sight their meaning for the present.
In this final part of his lecture, Bensaïd discusses the question of entryism and draws conclusions from the building of Fourth International and Trotsky's politics in that historical background for the present.
In this lecture, Bensaïd covers the history of Fourth International from the post-WWII to the split, the reunification process, the Ninth World Congress and finally the Eleventh World Congress. In this part of the lecture, Bensaïd starts with a discussion of the line of argument which contends that the project of building the FI was based on a prognosis of the Second World War and its outcomes. Trotsky believed that, just like WWI, WWII would trigger a strong set of revolutions.